Statement on comprehensive review of the situation in the Persian Gulf region (1), UNSC

Specifications Statement on comprehensive review of the situation in the Persian Gulf region (1), UNSC

Statement & Document

Title
Statement on comprehensive review of the situation in the Persian Gulf region (1) UNSC
Date
20 October 2020
Subject
Peace and Security ، Disarmament، Regional
Organ
Security Council
Download File

Statement by H.E. Dr. Mohammad Javad Zarif

Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran

On “Maintenance of international peace and security: comprehensive review of the situation in the Persian Gulf region”

Before the United Nations Security Council

New York, 20 October 2020

*****

 

In the Name of God, the Most Compassionate, the Most Merciful

 

Mr. President,

Allow me to begin by thanking you, Mr. President, for convening this important meeting, and thank Russia for its constructive initiatives. I would also like to acknowledge and welcome the initiative by my friend, State Councillor Wang Yi.

A year ago, I participated in a similar meeting of the Security Council, presided by you, Minister Lavrov, to present the Hormuz Peace Endeavour (HOPE) that had just been launched by President Rouhani in his address to the General Assembly. Iran stands by that initiative, which is the culmination of various Iranian proposals for security and confidence-building in the Persian Gulf region.

Our first proposal in 1985 became the foundation of paragraphs 5 and 8 of resolution 598 (1987), which read:

“5. Calls upon all other States to exercise the utmost restraint and to refrain from any act which may lead to further escalation and widening of the conflict and thus to facilitate the implementation of the present resolution;

...

“8. Further requests the Secretary-General to examine, in consultation with Iran and Iraq and with other States of the region, measures to enhance the security and stability of the region;”

Regrettably — and despite our persistent follow-ups — those paragraphs remain unimplemented. And our region has since been the scene of several wars, massive foreign military build-up, an ensuing nightmare of extremism and terrorism, a dangerous accumulation of the most sophisticated weaponry, and aggression and power projection by various actors.

The disparities in power, geographic size and natural and human resources are very real. Historical anxieties and rivalries among many regional countries cannot be overlooked. But three flawed prescriptions have caused catastrophic consequences: first, that security can be bought from others — be it from Saddam Hussein, who invaded Iran on some of our neighbours’ behalf, from the United States, which came to rescue our neighbours from the monster that they had created together, or through the unprecedented purchase of military hardware; secondly, that one can have security at the expense of the insecurity of one’s neighbours, be it Iran, Kuwait or Qatar at one time or another; and thirdly, that regional hegemony can be established, be it in Yemen, North Africa or the Horn of Africa.

Extraregional actors have looked at our regional disparities, unending rivalries and new hegemonic illusions as opportunities to expand their military presence and to sell more weapons. The United States has deployed nearly 50,000 troops in the Persian Gulf region in 29 military installations with more than 300 combat aircraft. It has at least one aircraft carrier patrolling our waters at any given time, as well as tens of destroyers and other vessels with four Central Command headquarters for its Army, Special Forces, Air Force and Navy. And, from 2014 to 2018, the Persian Gulf States accounted for nearly one quarter of global arms imports, almost double compared to the preceding five years. Unsurprisingly, the United States sold most of those lethal armaments. Yet, the military build-up and hundreds of billions of dollars of arms sales have enhanced neither the security of the external powers, nor of the region.

Let me take this opportunity to express our appreciation to the overwhelming majority of Security Council members for rejecting the United States’ efforts to kill the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and resolution 2231 (2015). Iran does not intend to engage in an arms race in the region or start a buying spree, in spite of the end of Security Council restrictions.

For too long, foreign forces have come to our region to project their power, not to protect our people. The illegitimate United States presence — 7,600 miles from its shores — culminated in the cowardly assassination by President Trump of General Qasem Soleimani, Da’esh’s enemy number 1.

Security is contingent on a reliance on our own peoples and cooperation with our own neighbours. Yes, with money one can buy the most sophisticated weaponry. But the truth is that security and stability can never be bought. We need collective efforts by regional countries to establish inclusive dialogue and security networking in this region. Otherwise, we will all be engulfed in turmoil for generations to come, and our turmoil will be everyone’s turmoil.

We need a fundamental paradigm shift in our region. We need a strong region that precludes hegemonic illusions by any Power — regional or global — a strong region that ensures homegrown political and territorial stability. And a strong region in which all neighbours exercise strategic self-restraint.

Our Hormuz Peace Endeavour is founded on these imperatives. HOPE also rests on the responsibility of every State in the region to ensure peace, stability and prosperity in our neighbourhood and to benefit from it.

HOPE is founded on a commitment by all littoral States to promoting mutual understanding, peaceful and friendly relations, and cooperation among all States and peoples of the Persian Gulf region; ensuring the territorial integrity and inviolability of international boundaries of all Persian Gulf littoral States; cooperating in eradicating terrorism, extremism and sectarian tensions across the region; promoting the peaceful resolution of all regional tensions and conflicts through enhanced communication and early warning; and ensuring the freedom of navigation and energy security for all.

To achieve these objectives, we propose adherence to common principles, such as dialogue and mutual respect; equal footing; respect for each other’s sovereignty; refraining from the threat or use of force; non-aggression and non-intervention in the internal affairs of each other; and refraining from participation in alliances and coalitions against one another.

We believe that a new regional approach should be the outcome of collective deliberations. Last year, President Rouhani shared our initial thoughts with all   the leaders of the littoral States of the Persian Gulf, inviting them to enrich these ideas and participate in their implementation. Together we can envisage a broad spectrum of cooperation and confidence-building measures that include water management, environmental protection, nuclear safety, energy security, education, tourism, economic cooperation, trade, investment, poverty eradication and people’s empowerment. We can agree on regional early warning systems and military contacts among Persian Gulf littoral States. We can agree to establish joint task forces regarding practical measures to gradually expand cooperation.

We know that most of our neighbours prefer peace and dialogue. That cannot be achieved if one or two pursue confrontation and wishfully wait for alien vampires to “cut their neighbour’s head”. That delusion will never be realized.

We all have anxieties and grievances. Certainly, Iranians will never forget the eight years of imposed war, the aggressor of which was fully financed by our neighbours. So, we can choose to remain prisoners of the past and perpetuate instability and tension. Or, all of usand I stress allcan choose peace, security, stability and prosperity for all. The choice, surely, should be obvious to everyone.

I thank you, Mr. President.