In the Name of God, the Most Compassionate, the Most Merciful

Statement by the Delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran

to the UNGA 75 First Committee

Thematic Discussion:

Nuclear Disarmament

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Mr. Chairman,

My delegation associates itself with the NAM statement delivered by Indonesia.

Mr. Chairman,

Among all disarmament issues, nuclear disarmament continue to remain as the first and foremost priority in the disarmament and international security agenda. 

However, the new nuclear arms modernization race and a lack of political will of nuclear-weapon states to refuse the consideration of a nuclear weapon option prevent the world from the achievement of this noble goal.  Over 14,000 nuclear weapons that cost $100 billion per year to modernize, maintain and deploy, and also the possibility of their use can result in an immeasurable catastrophic impact on humanity and the planet. Fifty years after the entry into force of the NPT and against the backdrop of the clear obligation on nuclear disarmament, the gap between that nominal commitment and its implementation is still so wide. While Nuclear Weapons States have failed to comply with their obligations, the non-nuclear-weapon states have proven their compliance to avoid proliferation. On the eve of the 10th Review Conference of the NPT, we should bear in mind that upholding the integrity and credibility of the NPT depends on the full implementation of all obligations therein, in particular on nuclear disarmament. 

Additionally, from a socio-economic perspective, it is indecent to see the exorbitant funding spent on nuclear weapons every year while neglecting the most important security risks. The failure is evident, and the COVID-19 pandemic highlights just one of the unfortunate results of such failure. 

In this context, the USA is a living example. Despite the fact that this country is the largest holder of nuclear weapons globally, it continues to modernize its tremendous arsenal. Just in 2019, the U.S. Department of Defense confirmed that W76-2 – the latest variant of a low-yield warhead- has been "fielded". It uses this arsenal to threaten other non-nuclear-weapon states and irresponsibly lowers the threshold of use of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, its withdrawal from the INF and the JCPOA as well as the apparent lack of the will to extend the New Start Treaty has caused immense damage to international efforts towards nuclear disarmament.

With the support of the USA, the Israeli regime threatens other regional countries in the Middle East with nuclear annihilation. Nuclear weapons, as the most dangerous weapons in the hands of the most dangerous regime pose the most dangerous threat to the security of non-nuclear-weapon States Parties in the Middle East. This regime is the only regional obstacle to the establishment of a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear weapons, a first-time proposal raised by Iran in 1974 that continues to enjoy the decisive support of the international community. We reiterate our call on the international community to utilize any opportunity to compel Israel to promptly accede to the NPT as a non-nuclear-weapon party without any precondition, place all of its nuclear facilities under the IAEA full-scope safeguards and, last but not least, participate constructively in the Conference establishing a Middle East Free of Nuclear Weapons and other Weapons of Mass Destruction.  

It should be noted that another emerging threat in our region is the incomplete implementation of the Comprehensive Safeguard Agreement by Saudi Arabia. Unless it rescinds its current Small Quantities Protocol, as was requested many times by the IAEA Secretariat, it does not provide the IAEA with enough verification authorities. A failure to implement the IAEA’s safeguards at a time when Saudi Arabia’s nuclear capabilities appear to be rapidly accelerating, could allow the Saudis to hide certain nuclear activities without being subjected to IAEA inspections. It is worth mentioning that despite this situation, Washington has reportedly given the green light to seven U.S. firms to engage with Riyadh in the preliminary work on nuclear power ahead of any deal and without any prior-agreement for the enforcement of nonproliferation norms.

Along with other international community members, Iran is of the view that 75 years after the use of nuclear weapons by the USA in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there is no guarantee that such weapons will not be used again. Therefore, a binding norm should and must be adopted by the GA confirming that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. This should be followed by phased nuclear disarmament through the adoption and implementation of concrete measures within a specified timeframe by the Nuclear Weapon States. Furthermore, until the realization of this goal, providing non-nuclear-weapon states with nuclear security assurances is imperative. It is obvious that breaking the stalemate in the Conference on Disarmament and commencing the negotiations regarding a comprehensive convention on a total ban of nuclear weapons should be on top of the agenda of the international community. 

Notably, large participation with strong support and calls for action towards nuclear disarmament in the annual UNGA high-level meetings on nuclear disarmament is a proof of the necessity and urgency of investing further political will by all States to achieve a nuclear-weapon-free world at the earliest date.

The Islamic Republic of Iran remains fully prepared to work with the international community in achieving a world free of nuclear weapons.

Thank you, Mr. Chair!